In 2024, Asia Democracy Research Network (ADRN) selected the political impact of younger generation, namely Millennials and Generation Z (Gen Z), as the subject of joint research conducted by ADRN members in four Northeast Asian countries: Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Mongolia.

 

Reaffirming the significance of youth participation in democracy to ensure sustainability of democratic governance, ADRN published this report with the aim of comprehending how the younger generation perceives democracy and providing recommendations for stakeholders including governments, political parties, and civil society organizations.

 

The report investigates contemporary questions such as:

 

? How can governments represent the interests of emerging generation such as the Millennials and Gen Z in the democratic political processes?

? How can political parties establish the effective communication channels to connect with the opinions of the Millennials and Gen Z in the formal political space?

? How can civil society organizations engage with the actions of the Millennials and Gen Z in the public spheres?

 

Drawing on a rich array of resources and data, this report offers country-specific analyses, highlight areas of improvement, and suggests policy recommendations to fill the discrepancy between the traditional political institutions and the emerging political actors in each country and the larger Asia region.

 

Executive Summary

 

Jung Kim

Associate Professor, University of North Korean Studies

 

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How can governments represent the interests of emerging generations such as Millennials and Gen Z in democratic political processes? How can political parties establish effective communication channels to connect with the opinions of Millennials and Gen Z in the formal political space? How can civil society organizations (CSOs) engage with the actions of Millennials and Gen Z in public spheres?

 

This collaborative work by Chikako Kodama (Japan), Woo Chang Kang (South Korea), Chin-en Wu (Taiwan), and Bontoi Damba Ganbat (Mongolia) endeavors to answer these questions and generate policy-relevant recommendations for governments, political parties, and CSOs that are confronting the challenges of emerging younger generation. While governments recognize the differences of interests for public policies between the older and younger generations, they are far from good at reflecting the interests of Millennials and Gen Z in representative institutions. While political parties understand the significance of the younger voters in electoral competition, they lack effective communicative tools to incorporate the opinions of Millennials and Gen Z in mediating inter-generational conflicts. While CSOs are sensitive to the growing importance of younger cohorts in organizing collective actions, they frequently encounter challenges in mobilizing Millennials and Gen Z to become engaged citizens. The collective research outcomes shed light on the ways that fill the gaps between the traditional political institutions such as governments, political parties, and CSOs and the emerging political actors such as Millennials and Gen Z.

 

In her analysis of Japan, Kodama finds out that the political participation of Millennials and Gen Z is similar to that of older generations when they were young. In other words, there is little evidence to support the notion of a generational effect. Most of the observed changes in their values, interests, trust and affiliation are identical to those observed in other age groups, suggesting that the time effect is at play. With the exception of signing a petition, the vast majority of individuals aged 18-24 have not engaged in political action, such as strikes, boycotts or demonstrations. The proportion of people who have taken political action has not changed much since 1981. The percentage of this age group is only slightly lower than the average of all respondents, indicating the overall low level of political action in Japan. A persona analysis of politically active young people offers insights into their engagement with public issues. They are all motivated by personal expenses and concerns, find partners to start an organization or business from their friends and networks who share the same values, and take advantage of online/digital tools, actively communicating with people in their age group and proactively using learning opportunities. She indicates that fostering civic engagement among youth requires a systеms approach: it would need collective action by government, political parties, NGOs and businesses because solutions entail changes in culture, education, politics and economy. It is a good starting point to create more practical opportunities for Millennials and Gen Z to participate in politics and to make a difference. Also, it is critical to increase public interest in politics.

 

According to Kang, terms like “N-po Generation” and “Hell Joseon” reflect more than just economic hardship among Korean youth. They represent a fundamental shift in how young people understand their social and economic challenges. While previous generations held strong beliefs that individual hard work could lead to upward social mobility, today’s young people increasingly recognize their struggles as manifestations of deeper structural problems within Korean society. The systеmic nature of these challenges suggests that effective solutions must necessarily involve political and policy changes, as individual efforts alone cannot address problems rooted in social structures, economic systеms, and policy frameworks. The relationship between youth political participation and representation in Korea offers important insights into broader questions of democratic development. In South Korea, increasing political awareness and participation among young people, driven by recognition of structural challenges, has not automatically translated into greater descriptive representation. The divergent patterns between voting behavior and electoral success suggest that formal political participation alone may not be sufficient to ensure representation. Addressing the persistent underrepresentation of youth in Korean politics requires substantive institutional reforms in two key areas. First, the issue of the disparity in opportunities faced by young candidates in the nomination process must be addressed. Current quota systеms remain largely advisory rather than mandatory. It is therefore necessary to develop consensus around quota systеms while designing implementation methods that address concerns regarding fairness and minimize potential backlash. Equally important is the establishment of a sustainable youth political training pipeline. The current gap between the rise in youth voter participation and limited representation suggests that short-term nomination advantages are insufficient. Long-term investment in political education programs, internships in local councils, policy workshops, and participatory budgeting initiatives would create systеmatic pathways for youth engagement. This approach requires a shift in the recruitment strategies of political parties, moving from an external focus to an internal cultivation of future leaders through structured and inclusive mechanisms. These institutional reforms would require substantial support from civil society actors, who can both advocate for implementation and hold political parties accountable for achieving meaningful rather than symbolic change.

 

Wu suggests that Taiwan’ s major political parties have implemented mechanisms to strengthen their strategies for engaging young people and encouraging them to seek candidacy. Major political parties also organize summer camps to attract and train young people who are interested in politics and public affairs. The participation of young people in political parties also positively impacts the development of the parties themselves. This is especially evident in former authoritarian parties like the KMT, where ideological inflexibility, candidate selection, and decision-making processes have exhibited signs of stagnation. However, there are instances in which the political participation of young individuals is manipulated by political parties and populist leaders. Despite the tendency of young people exhibit comparatively low levels of political participation in formal electoral processes, in recent years, they have been active in non-electoral political participation, especially participating in various protest movements. One key factor that has fueled this shift is the political stance and historical legacy of KMT. As the former authoritarian ruling party during the martial law era, the KMT is still regarded by many as representing conservative, pro-establishment interests. Its comparatively friendly attitude toward China has also been a point of contention, particularly among younger generations who are more inclined to support a distinct Taiwanese identity and to resist closer ties with Beijing.

 

Ganbat’s research underscores the pivotal role of trust in democratic institutions and active citizen participation in the ongoing development of democracy in Mongolia. Notably, the democratic values, political education, and engagement of the younger generation will play a decisive role in shaping the future of Mongolia’s democratic systеm. The future of democracy, particularly in a transitioning society like Mongolia, will largely depend on the development of beliefs, values, understanding of democracy, and political participation of the younger generation. In 2021, the Mongolian government established a “Youth parliament” under the patronage of the Speaker of Parliament G. Zandanshatar. This platform aims to provide young people with the opportunity to engage directly in political dialogue. It functions as a mechanism for young people to express their views and concerns, thereby serving as a liaison between the youth and the government. As part of a parliamentary initiative, local Mini Parliaments were supported in all 21 provinces and the capital city, to select through competition among young student’s representatives for the “Youth parliament.” The “Youth parliament” is part of a broader effort to foster democratic engagement among younger generations, such as Millennials and Gen Z. Mongolian political parties can play a crucial role in shaping the political landscape by establishing effective communication channels that address the opinions and concerns of these new generations. The new generations have become well-versed in technology and anticipates engaging with political affairs in dynamic, transparent, and responsive ways. Given their distinctive characteristics, political parties still need to adapt their communication strategies to resonate with these younger voters. Over the past 30 years of democracy, CSOs have flourished, and citizens have increasingly mobilized based on their interests. This has resulted in the proliferation of over 40,000 NGOs in Mongolia nowadays. The majority of these NGOs serve their members only, while a few engage the public in enlightenment, civic education, and the mobilization of citizens to address public issues. It is widely accepted that CSOs shall play a crucial role in facilitating the integration of young people into social, political, and economic life. Given the relatively youthful demographic profile of Mongolia, CSOs could be central to promoting youth engagement, empowerment, and development. These organizations typically focus on a variety of areas, including education, health, social inclusion, and civic engagement.

 

In sum, the collaborative work has illuminated the existence of both similarities and differences among Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Mongolia in terms of youth politics on the governments, political parties, and CSOs in their countries. It is our collective aspiration that our collective research outcomes give interesting and important implications for those who are interested in the future of democracy across nations in Northeast Asia. ■

 

The Impact of the Millennials and Gen Z on Democracy in Japan

 

Chikako Kodama

Ph.D. Student, Hitotsubashi University

 

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1. Introduction

 

The year 2024 has been called “the biggest election year in human history” (UNDP 2024), and Japan has had a number of major elections. Whenever there is an election, the lower turnout of young voters is a typical concern (The Yomiuri Shimbun 2024-11-05). To encourage young people to vote, Japan lowered the voting age from 20 to 18 in 2015. Still, the minimum age for eligibility to run for the House of Representatives remains at 25 years of age.[1] In the Lower House election in 2024, the turnout among individuals in their 10s, 20s, and 30s is still as low as 39.4 percent, 34.6 percent and 45.5 percent respectively (Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications 2025).[2] In the 2024 elections, it was also reported that younger voters contributed to unexpected results in the local elections as their main source of information is SNS (Nikkei 2024-11-19 and 2025-01-16).

 

These media reports indicate a contrast in the impact of Millennials and Gen Z[3] on democracy[4]: The majority of them do not usually vote, yet when they do, it creates political phenomena. Why do some Millennials and Gen Z participate in politics while others do not? Is it because of their generation or do age and time influence their political participation? The overall aim of the joint research is to develop policy recommendations for government, political parties and NGOs to engage Millennials and Gen Z. To this end, this paper seeks to understand the political participation of these birth cohorts, with a focus on their values, interests, trust, and associability, which existing research suggests influence political participation and preferences (Inglehart 1971; Inoguchi 2002; Putnam et al. 1993). In doing so, the analysis clarifies the differences between age, period, and generational effects on political behavior (Braungart and Braungart 1986; Mifune and Nakamura 2009; Watanuki 1994). Through a brief review of the results of the World Values Survey (WVS), this paper argues that the political participation of Millennials and Gen Z appears to be similar to that of older generations when they were young, i.e., there is little generational effect. Most of the observed changes in their values, interests, trust and affiliation are identical to those of the other age groups, suggesting that the time effect is a contributing factor. However, persona analysis of politically active young people provides some insight into the way they engage with public issues. The paper concludes with some recommendations for governments, political parties and NGOs. Although promoting young people’s political participation requires a systеms approach, the paper suggests starting with the following: increasing opportunities for young people to get involved in practical ways while increasing the number of people who feel that politics is relevant to their lives.

 

2. Contributing Factors for Political Participations

 

This section begins by clarifying the concepts of age, time, and generational effects on political participation. Subsequently, it analyzes the values, interests, associability, and trust of Millennials and Gen Z as they relate to political participation (Inoguchi 2002; Mifune and Nakamura 2009; Putnam 1993; Watanuki 1994).

 

2.1. Generation Factor

 

According to Braungart and Braungart, a political generation is “a specific age group in history that becomes aware of its uniqueness and joins together to work for social and political change” (1989: 207). A particular political generation exhibits divergent political attitudes and behaviors, which persist regardless of changes in age and time. The extant literature suggests that the earlier birth cohorts in Japan have created such a political generation. For example, Mifune and Nakamura (2009) identified a generational effect on elections using cohort analysis.[5] According to them, the 1961-85 birth cohorts share a common political attitude: they engage in politics only when their interests are at stake. Such a political attitude is the generational effect, which differs from earlier birth cohorts and has contributed to the persistently low voter turnout in Japan (Mifune and Nakamura 2009). Miyajima (1985) argues that rapid economic growth from the late 1950s to the early 1970s caused a change in the Japanese value systеm, leading to “privatization (shiseikatsu-ka)”, defined as the tendency to value private life (1985: 131). He adds that privatization could exert a dual influence on political participation, either negative or positive (Miyajima 1985). Watanuki (1994), on the other hand, focuses on changes in the proportion of “postmaterialist” who prioritize political participation and freedom of speech over maintaining order and fighting rising prices.[6] Watanuki identifies the increase in the postmaterialist index from 1972 to 1993 through three surveys and suggests a correlation between the expansion of the postmaterialist value and changes in preferences for political parties (Watanuki 1994: 64).[7] Inoguchi (2002), in anticipation of changes in Japanese social capital among the new generations (millennials and beyond), suggests three directions of change: first, an increase in the activities of civic organizations; second, an increase in postmaterialist values; and third, an increase in civic consciousness (2002: 287-288).

 

2.2. Millennials and Gen Z

 

The literature reviewed above suggests that a significant socio-economic experience in childhood and adolescence could shape a generational effect. The question is whether Millennials and Gen Z have undergone a collective experience with the potential to the creation of a new political generation.

 

Economically, Millennials and Gen Z grew up during the so-called “lost three decades” or the thirty-year depression unlike rapid economic growth experienced by earlier generations. Socially, the period has been characterized as one of deepening social polarization. At the same time, the rapid development of digital technology is affecting Millennials and Gen Z. Demographically, Millennials account for 11 percent and Gen Z for 15.2 percent of the total population in 2024 (Statistics Bureau of Japan 2024).[8] Unlike previous birth cohorts that experienced two “baby booms”, the size of the populations is comparatively small.

 

Recognizing the differences in the economic and social experiences of Millennials and Gen Z, the paper seeks to find any generational effects in their political participation through a brief analysis of the WVS. Following the existing literature, the political participation of Millennials and Gen Z is examined through their values, interests, trust and affiliation. The WVS has been conducted seven times from 1981 to 2019. Millennials and Gen Z are represented by the 18-24 and 25-34 age group in the 2019 survey.[9] Despite the absence of statistical analysis, the WVS provides a rough idea of the age, period, and cohort effects by comparing results within the same survey year and between different age groups as well as following the same birth cohort in different survey periods.[10]

 

Values

 

This section examines social, political and postmaterialist values. Firstly, Table 1 shows that “privatization” is on the rise.[11] The overall proportion of respondents who consider family and leisure time important has increased, as has the proportion in the 18-24 and 25-34 age groups. Focusing on respondents choosing “very important”, the increase is more obvious: 62 percent in 1990 to 88 percent in 2019 for the 18-24 age group. The percentage of individuals within the same age group who say that leisure time is of significant importance increased from 47 percent in 1990 to 78 percent in 2019. In the case of politics, the proportion of people who consider politics as important has increased from 49 percent (1990) to 64 percent (2019), exceeding the majority. For the population aged 18-24 and 25-34, the importance of politics has increased by the same amount.

 

As for the postmaterialist index, the overall share of “postmaterialist” increased from 4.3 percent in 1981 to 9.4 percent in 2000,[12] which aligns with Watanuki’s (1994) findings. Later, however, it declines or fluctuates (represented by the blue line in Figure 1).[13] Figure 1 also shows that the percentage of “postmaterialist” among respondents aged 18 to 24 is as low in 2019 as it was in 1981 (represented by the orange line in Figure 1).[14] However, more people in this age group prioritize participation as the most important of the four items, although the proportion has declined since 2005 (Figure 2). Prioritizing participation over maintaining order and controlling prices has been unique to this age group since 1981.

 

Table 1. Importance in life (% of “very important” + “rather important”)

 

 

Source: World Value Survey data, accessed 24 January 2025. The table is developed by the author based on the WVS online data analysis (https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSOnline.jsp).

 

Figure 1. Percentage of Postmaterialist (%)

Source: World Value Survey data, accessed 24 January 2025. The table is developed by the author based on the WVS online data analysis (https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSOnline.jsp).

 

Figure 2. Importance of Four Items for Respondents Aged 18-24 (%)

 

Source: World Value Survey data, accessed 24 January 2025. The table is developed by the author based on the WVS online data analysis (https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSOnline.jsp).

 

Interests

 

This section explores Millennials’ and Gen Z’ attention to politics. The percentage of people between the ages of 18 and 24 who respond they are interested in politics ranges from 35 to 45 percent (Figure 3).[15] As people age, they tend to develop a heightened interest. According to a separate survey conducted by the Japan Center for International Exchange (JCIE) in 2023, respondents in Japan between the ages of 18 and 39 identified two primary reasons for their lack of interest in politics: i) they do not have any expectations from politics, and ii) nothing will change even if they vote.[16]

 

Figure 3. Percentage of People Interested in Politics (%)

Source: World Value Survey data, accessed 24 January 2025. The table is developed by the author based on the WVS online data analysis (https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSOnline.jsp).

 

As an indicator of attention, Inoguchi (2002) used the frequency of watching TV news programs. According to Table 2, TV news is still the most used media across all age groups.[17] Table 2 also shows that there is the greatest difference in the use of social media between the younger and older age groups.

 

Table 2. Source of information in 2019 (% of respondents selecting “daily” + “weekly” + “monthly” + “less than monthly” as frequency of use)

 

 

Source: World Value Survey data, accessed 24 January 2025. The table is developed by the author based on the WVS online data analysis (https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSOnline.jsp).

 

Affiliation

 

Numerous scholars have examined the relationship between associability and democracy (Putnam et al. 1993, 2002). The WVS asks respondents about their affiliation with the 12 voluntary organizations listed, and Figure 4 compiles the proportion of respondents who are active and inactive members of the organizations.[18] The figure shows that a small percentage of Japanese belong to voluntary organizations. An upward trend was observed until around 2005,[19] but since then, the percentage has been declining or has remained consistently low in the case of environmental organizations, charitable organizations and political parties. The percentage of members in organizations among the 18-24 age group is even lower than the overall percentage, with the exception of sports organizations.

 

Figure 4. Members of voluntary organization (% of “active” + “inactive”)

Source: World Value Survey data, accessed 24 January 2025. The table is developed by the author based on the WVS online data analysis (https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSOnline.jsp).

 

Trust

 

This section reviews both social and political trust. The former examines the extent of trust other people (e.g., family and people who they meet for the first time), and the latter assesses the level of confidence in organizations. With regard to social trust, Table 3 seems to confirm the continuation of the type of trust suggested by Inoguchi (2002: 389).[20] Inoguchi argues that “American trust is broader and more open, whereas Japanese trust is narrower and more closed” (2002: 389).[21] The 2019 WVS still indicates that Japanese people extend their trust to family and acquaintances, but much less to people they meet for the first time or to those of a different nationality. In general, younger people exhibit a lower level of trust in comparison to older people. In contrast, approximately 40 percent of people in the United States responded that they trust people they meet for the first time in 2017 (28 percent of people aged 18-24 extend trust to the people they meet for the first time).[22]

 

Table 3. Social trust in 2019 (% of “trust completely” + “trust somewhat”)

 

 

Source: World Value Survey data, accessed 24 January 2025. The table is developed by the author based on the WVS online data analysis (https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSOnline.jsp).

 

Regarding confidence in organizations, Inoguchi (2002) finds that Japanese trust nonpartisan institutions (such as “courts, police, civil service, and military”) more than partisan institutions (for instance, “parliament, parties, elected government, political leaders, big business, and mass media”) (2002: 378). Figures 5 and 6 illustrate the same trend. Figure 5 shows the percentage of people who expressed a high level of trust in these organizations, ranging from 1981 to 2019. Figure 6 focuses on people aged 18 to 24. Both figures demonstrate an overall similar trend and movements (ups and downs) depending on the year of the survey, except for the press and television.[23] The percentage of respondents between the ages of 18 and 24 who express trust in partisan organizations is lower than that of all respondents.

 

Figure 5. Confidence in Organizations (%) – Overall

Source: World Value Survey data, accessed 24 January 2025. The table is developed by the author based on the WVS online data analysis (https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSOnline.jsp).

 

Figure 6. Confidence in Organizations (%) – Aged 18-24

Source: World Value Survey data, accessed 24 January 2025. The table is developed by the author based on the WVS online data analysis (https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSOnline.jsp).

 

In summary, age and time seem to influence most of the changes observed in the four factors. Millennials and Gen Z find private life and politics more important than young people in the 1990s, but their interest in politics remains low: for Gen Z (the 18-24 age group in the 2019 survey), it is only 29 percent. Indeed, “privatization” is on the rise across all age groups, and Japanese in general remain disinterested in politics. The separation between the public and private spheres and the Japanese expectation of the government to solve public issues, as argued by Ichihara (2024), seems to persist even among the young population. According to the WVS, the extent to which Japanese believe it is the government’s responsibility to provide for people’s needs has actually increased since 1990.[24] Concurrently, political trust in partisan organizations remains low, especially among younger people although it has been gradually increasing since 2000.

 

The nature of social trust in Japan does not seem to be changing from the “narrow and more closed” suggested by Inoguchi (2002). Furthermore, younger people show less trust in people they do not know. The findings seem to be consistent with Hamaguchi’s argument that “Japanese social trust is created on the basis of face-to-face and group settings”, cited by Inoguchi (2002: 383). Some positive signs emerged during the 1980s and 1990s in the proportion of people who adhere to postmaterialist values and in membership of voluntary organizations, but the tide seems to have reversed. In the case of membership in political parties and charitable organizations, it has been constantly low, even including inactive members, for both the 18-24 and 25-34 age groups: less than five percent from 1981 to 2019. Miyajima emphasizes the importance of the transformation from a sense of selfhood to a sense of citizenhood as “privatization” deepens (1980:162). However, this change may not be observable, at least from the surveys.

 

2.3. Political Participation

 

The WVS provides updates on the political participation of Millennials and Gen Z. Tables 4 and 5 summarize the level of political action among respondents aged 18-24. With the exception of signing a petition, almost no one aged 18-24 has taken political action, including strikes, boycotts or demonstrations. Moreover, the proportion of people who have taken political action has remained stable since 1981. The percentage of this age group is marginally lower than the average of all respondents, thereby indicating a general absence of political action in Japan.[25]

 

Table 4. Percentage of people aged 18-24 who have done following political action

 

 

Source: World Value Survey data, accessed 24 January 2025. The table is developed by the author based on the WVS online data analysis (https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSOnline.jsp).

 

Table 5. Percentage of people aged 18-24 who have done following actions using Internet and social media

 

 

Source: World Value Survey data, accessed 24 January 2025. The table is developed by the author based on the WVS online data analysis (https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSOnline.jsp).

 

Due to the page limitations, this section does not disaggregate the survey results by other socioeconomic conditions (e.g., gender, income, education, urban-rural). Previous literature has found differences in these factors across political generations (Watanuki 1994) and correlations between socioeconomic factors and participation (Inoguchi 2002). Therefore, this section concludes by identifying some gaps and needs for further research.

 

3. Gen Z Persona Analysis

 

The review of the WVS above presents that the changes in value, interest, associability, and attention appear to be related to the age and period. As for the generational effect, it is difficult to identify, partly because Gen Z is only covered in the latest survey. It would also be because the generational change may take a longer period of time than before due to the diversification of the life course and the absence of a drastic and major event such as rapid economic growth that affected an entire society (Asano 2024: 270-272). Therefore, this section explores at the individual level why some Gen Z engage with and participate in politics. What are the commonalities among these positive deviants? To answer these questions, the paper develops a few personas.

 

The first one is based on conversations with a college student who, along with other students, founded a social business in 2020 to promote citizen participation in adm?nistration. Through the experience of supporting a local councilor’s election campaign, he recognized the limitations of existing communication channels between citizens and government. He identified pain points for both: Citizens do not believe that their voices are heard and will make a difference, therefore do not engage in public issues, whereas governments do not know how to address the diverse opinions of citizens and incorporate them into policy and service delivery even though they want to hear them. Leveraging these pain points, he developed an online participatory and consensus-building platform. The online platform was awarded by the UNDP Social Innovation Challenge Japan in 2021 and has actually been used by 60 municipalities (Digital Agency 2024). What is important for him is not starting a business but providing a solution to governments and local communities. A social business is identified as the most appropriate means to promote the idea.

 

Another persona is developed from an article in the Nikkei (“Hiyaku,” 2024-01-01: 19). The persona is an activist who initiated a project that aims to increase the number of women in their 20s and 30s in local councils. According to her interviews with the university newspaper, her interest in politics started in 2017 when she volunteered to support an election campaign. It provided her with an opportunity to reflect on the low voter turnout among young people and the negative image of political participation in Japan (Keio Jyukusei Shimbun 2024-12-15). She studied in Denmark where the youth voter turnout rate is notably high and found that people even in their early 20s can run for office (Keio Jyukusei Shimbun 2024-12-15). She started her activities with the friends she met while studying in Denmark.

 

The last persona is found in an interview with Change.org.[26] She was a university student who alone started an online petition to reduce the tax rate on menstrual products in 2019. Her research for the graduation thesis revealed that menstrual products were not included in the list of reduced sales tax items (Change.org Japan 2022-12-26). She later founded a nonprofit organization with other students from the same university, hoping to address menstrual issues as a universal concern (Minna no seiri, “About Us”). According to the 2019 WVS, the percentage of people using online petitions remains low. However, Change.org Japan reported 4.43 million users and 1,092 online petitions launched in 2023 (Change.org Japan 2024).

 

These are just a few examples of the active engagement of Gen Z in politics. Despite the limited scope of the present study, it is possible to identify some commonalities among these personas. Firstly, they are all motivated by issues they have experienced firsthand and care about. Secondly, they found partners to start an organization or business from their friends and networks who share the same values. Thirdly, they take advantage of online and digital tools (e.g., online petition, online platform), actively communicate with people in their age group, and proactively use learning opportunities (e.g., campaign support from Change.org Japan).

 

4. Recommendations

 

This section commences with a response to the question posed at the beginning of the paper: Why do some Millennials and Gen Z participate in politics and others do not? According to the WVS, Japanese society, not exclusively Millennials and Gen Z, exhibits a general disinterest in politics and a lack of engagement in political activities, although more Japanese than before consider politics important. A contributing factor appears to be the perception among many Millennials and Gen Z; They do not see it as their responsibility to solve public problems and do not believe they can make a difference. Consequently, Millennials and Gen Z members who actively engage with public issues are considered atypical. According to the persona analysis, they are driven by personal experiences and issues to which they attach importance. In addition, Millennials and Gen Z who are interested in politics may perceive digital tools as a natural means of addressing public issues. However, in general, social trust in Japan works better when there is a face-to-face relationship. This may be of particular pertinence for partisan organizations that lack the confidence of the general public.

 

The above answer suggests that fostering civic engagement among youth requires a systеms approach: it would need collective action by government, political parties, NGOs and businesses because solutions entail changes in culture, education, politics and economy. That said, the paper suggests a series of initiatives to create more practical opportunities for Millennials and Gen Z in political engagement and to enable their meaningful contribution to the political process. Concurrently, it is critical to increase public interest in politics. Even if more opportunities for participation are created, those who are not interested may remain unaware of them and therefore do not participate. More specific recommendations for governments, political parties, and NGOs are provided below.

 

4.1. For Governments

 

First, governments, particularly local ones, can create opportunities for young people to participate in policy making and budget allocation. More local governments are introducing digital tools to facilitate citizen participation (see the first persona), aligning with the recommendation. Another example comes from Yuza machi in Yamagata Prefecture, where a “youth assembly”—which possesses its own budget for policy implementation—has been in operation since 2003 (NHK 2022-06-24). The assembly consists of 10 members and a town mayor, with junior high school and high school students having the right to run and vote (NHK 2022-06-24). In this approach, it is important not only to engage young people but also to make them feel that they can make a difference. To increase interest in politics, it would be useful to clarify the definition of politics and link it to school and community activities in which young people usually participate. For example, Uno (2018) explains to the junior and high school students that making decisions in class such as deciding the destination of a school trip is part of politics (2018: 57-59). An efficacious approach to addressing the separation between the public and private spheres would be to link it to young people’s everyday lives.

 

4.2. For Political Parties

 

Political parties already have various means of engaging young people, which could be reinforced. For example, according to the persona analysis, the experience of election volunteers facilitated their engagement with public issues. Some political parties and members of parliament also accept internships. In partnership with universities, credit for internship experience will further facilitate participation. Another option is to extend support to younger election candidates. The minimum age of eligibility to run for the House of Representatives remains at 25, a matter that merits discussion. However, even under the current systеm, the percentage of members of parliament is very low. For individuals under the age of 30, the figure stands at 0.9 percent for men and 0 percent for women. For those under 40, it is 5 percent for men and 2.6 percent for women (Inter-Parliamentary Union 2024). The proportion is even lower than their share of the populations (see Section 2.2). A particular challenge is to involve those who are not interested. Communication in partnership with youth organizations and building trust through face-to-face opportunities could be further explored. According to the JCIE survey, young Japanese people believe that more information through TV and social media is needed to improve youth political participation, even though many political parties use the Internet and social media (Shibata 2024).[27] This finding suggests that their messages and information are not reaching the intended audience. To address this issue, youth organizations may be able to provide guidance on effective communication and message dissemination from the youth’s perspective. The WVS reports that young people lack confidence in political parties, which is another reason to work with youth organizations, as young people may trust them more. In the same vein, Japanese seem to build social trust through face-to-face interaction. There are examples of youth brunches in political parties, which organize various opportunities for interaction, study, and workshops together with Millennials and Gen Z. Such an approach, in addition to social media communication, will be useful to familiarize the roles of political parties.

 

4.3. For NGOs

 

NGOs, including academics, have a variety of expertise. Firstly, they can provide practical coaching and creating learning opportunities, to develop an organization or business based on their experience and knowledge. For example, various organizations have already provided start-up support for social businesses, which can be further expanded. In addition, NGOs could facilitate the expansion of networks among young people in Japan, thereby enabling Millennials and Gen Z to acquire skills and strategies from people with similar objectives. Thirdly, NGOs could connect the activities of Millennials and Gen Z to politics. For younger people, politics is not initially a part of their lives (which may be part of the reason why young people are not interested in politics as noted above). However, the changes they seek may require policy, regulatory and legal changes that require the support of political actors. Existing NGOs could facilitate the initial connection and broaden their voice. Finally, participatory and practical citizenship education outside of formal education also familiarizes people with public engagement and provides an entry point for addressing social challenges at the local level. ■

 

References

 

Asano, Tomohiko. 2024. “Wakamono” toha dare ka? (Who are “young people”?). Tokyo: Kawade Syobo Shinsha.

 

Braungart, Richard G, and Margaret M. Braungart. 1986. “Life-course and generational politics.” Annual Review of Sociology 12: 205-231.

 

Change.org Japan. 2020. Step up support shogakusei interview (Step up support scholarship interview): Taniguchi Ayumi san. https://note.com/change_jp/n/n72f8d8712ac9 (Accessed January 27, 2025)

 

____. 2024. “Change.org Japan 2023 katsudo hokokusyo (Change.org Japan 2023 annual report).”

 

Dahl, Robert A. 1971. Polyarchy: Participation and opposition. New Haven and London: Yale University Press.

 

Digital Agency. 2024. Regional revitalization digital service catalog (2024). https://digiden-service-catalog.digital.go.jp/adm?nistration/10020/ (Accessed January 31, 2025)

 

Glenn, Norval D. 1977. Cohort Analysis. Beverly Hills: SAGE.

 

Ichihara, Maiko. 2024. “Vertical Accountability in Japan’s Governance: Impact of Public Conception.” Asia Democracy Research Network: 15th Workshop. Tokyo: Asia Democracy Research Network. 34-40.

 

Inglehart, R., A. Haerpfer, C. Moreno, K. Welzel, J. Kizilova, M. Diez-Medrano, P. Lagos, E. Noris, and Ponarin & B. Puranen et al. (eds.). 2022. World Values Survey: All Rounds (1-7) - Country-Pooled Datafile Version (round 1-7). https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSContents.jsp (Accessed January 24, 2025)

 

Inglehart, Ronald. 1971. “The Silent Revolution in Europe: Intergenerational Change in Post-Industrial Societies.” The American Political Science Review 65, 4: 991-1017.

 

Inoguchi, Takashi. 2002. “Broadening the Basis of Social Capital in Japan.” In Democracies in Flux: The Evolution of Social Capital in Contemporary Society, by Putnam, Robert D. (ed.), 359-392. Oxford University Press.

 

Inter-Parliamentary Union. IPU Parline. November 2024. https://data.ipu.org/parliament/JP/JP-LC01/ (Accessed April 12, 2025)

 

Keio Jyukusei Shimbun. 2024. “Ugokanakereba seiji ha kawaranai” Nojyo momoko san intabyu (Interview with Nojyo Momoko “Politics does not change without actions”). December 15. https://www.jukushin.com/archives/61700 (Accessed January 16, 2025)

 

Mifune, Takeshi, and Takashi Nakamura. 2009. “Shugiin senkyo touhyoritsu no bunseki - 1969 nen kara 2005 nen ni okeru nenrei, jidai, sedai no eikyo - (Analysis of turnout rate in the Lower House elections: age, period and generational effects from 1969 to 2005).” Senkyo kenkyu (Election Research) 25, 2: 83-106.

 

Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. 2025. “Nenreibetu tohyoshasu shirabe” (Examination on the number of voters by age). February 14. https://www.soumu.go.jp/senkyo/50syusokuhou/index.html (Accessed April 12, 2025)

 

Minna no seiri. n.d. “#About Us.” https://minnanoseiri.wixsite.com/website/ (Accessed January 27, 2025)

 

Miyajima, Takashi. 1980. “Syakai ishiki no henka: puraibataizeishon tono kanren de (Change in social consciousness: connection with privatization).” In Shigeru Susato, Bunka no hendo (Change in culture), 124-165. Tokyo: Asakura Shoten.

 

NHK. 2022. Seiji magazin (Political Magazine). June 24. https://www.nhk.or.jp/politics/articles/feature/84982.html (Accessed January 25, 2025)

 

Nikkei. 2025. “SNS senkyo kouzai (the merits and demerits of elections using SNS).” January 16. Nihon Keizai Shimbun Chokan: 2.

 

____. 2024. “SNS senkyo mittsu no ‘chakka-ten’ (Three ignition points in the elections using SNS).” November 19. Nihon Keizai Shimbun Chokan: 3.

 

Putnam, Robert D. 2002. Democracies in flux: The evolution of social captail in contemporary society. Oxford University Press.

 

Putnam, Robert D., Robert Leonardi, and Raffaella Y. Nanetti. 1993. Making democracy work: Civic traditions in modern Italy. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.

 

Shibata, Yuko. 2024. “Azia 10 kakoku no wakai sedai no seiji ni taisuru ninshiki to kanyo chosa houkokusyo (Survey report on Interests and Attitudes toward Politics among Younger Generation in 10 Asian Countries).” Japan Center for International Exchange. https://jcie.or.jp/report/publication2-000.html (Accessed January 16, 2025)

 

Statistics Bureau, Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. 2024. e-Stat, population estimate. https://www.e-stat.go.jp/stat-search/files?page=1&layout=datalist&toukei=00200524&tstat=000000090001&cycle=1&year=20250&month=11010301&tclass1=000001011678 (Accessed January 28, 2025)

 

Tate, Akitsugu, and Masako Hasegawa. 2023. “NGO no kozotekina kadaiheno toikake: ‘deitabukku 2021’ to Kaihatsugakkai RT no manabi (Inquiry into the structural challenges of NGOs: Through the study of “NGO Data book 2021” and RT at Japan Society for International Development’s Conference).” THINK Lobby Journal 1: 41-54.

 

The Yomiuri Shimbun. 2024. “Japan’s Teen Voter Turnout Remains Low at 43% in Recent Election; 18-year-Old Women Had Highest Turnout Among Teen Voters.” November 5. https://japannews.yomiuri.co.jp/politics/election/20241105-220472/ (Accessed November 21, 2024)

 

UNDP. 2024. A ‘Super Year’ for Elections. https://www.undp.org/super-year-elections (Accessed February 2, 2025)

 

Uno, Shigeki. 2018. Mirai wo hajimeru: “hito to isshoni irukoto” no seijigaku (Beginning Future: The Politics of “Being Together”). Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press.

 

Watanuki, Joji. 1994. “‘Shussho kohoto’ to nihon yukensha (“Birth cohort” and Japanese voters).” Revaiasan (Leviathan) 15: 53-72.

 

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[1] The eligibility age for House of Councilors and governors’ office is at 30 or older.

 

[2] The statistics is based on the announcement by the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications on 14 February 2025, https://www.soumu.go.jp/senkyo/50syusokuhou/index.html, accessed 12 April 2025. The average turnout rate for the 20s and 30s are calculated by the author.

 

[3] The definitions of millennials and Gen Z vary. In this paper, Millennials and Gen Z are used similar to the concept of the birth cohort: Millennials are those who born between 1985 and 1994 (aged 30 to 39 in 2024) and Gen Z are people born between 1995 and 2010 (aged 14 to 29 in 2024). When they are used as a generation that shares common attitude, behavior and consciousness, it is specified that.

 

[4] Given the theme of the research project - the impact and representation of the Millennials and Gen Z on democracy, the paper focuses on the dimension of participation out of two “theoretical dimensions of democratization”, i.e., participation and contestation suggested by Dahl (1971: 4)

 

[5] Cohort analysis is to understand some characteristics of cohorts, which are often identified on the basis of birth, i.e., birth cohort (Glenn 1977). Cohort analysis compares cohorts at two or more points in time. In doing so, the analysis can distinguish generational characteristics from those of age and period.

 

[6] Inglehart (1971) uses the terms “acquisitive” and “post-bourgeois”. The former are those who value maintaining order and fighting price increases, and the latter value political participation and freedom of speech (1971: 993-4). He hypothesizes that “post-bourgeois” prefer left-wing political parties.

 

[7] The postmaterialist value is increasing across all age groups in three years of survey (1972, 1983, 1993). Therefore, Watanuki (1994) assesses that it is the period effect not generation effect.

 

[8] For Millennials, the age groups 30-34 and 35-39, and for Gen Z, the age groups 15-19, 20-24, 25-29 are used. The total population is as of 1 August 2024 (final estimate).

 

[9] Respondents in the WVS in Japan are over the age of 18. All tables from the WVS in this report are based on the data generated by the World Values Survey Data online analysis tool. https://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSOnline.jsp

 

[10] Strictly speaking, this is not a cohort analysis because it only fixes one of three aspects. For more information on cohort analysis, please refer to Glenn (1977) and Mifune and Nakamura (2009).

 

[11] The results are derived from the following question: “For each of the following, indicate how important it is in your life: Family, friends, leisure time, politics, work, religion,” with five response options: very important, rather important, not very important, not at all important, and don’t know.

 

[12] The question in the WVS is to choose the most important of four options: (i) maintaining order in the nation, (ii) giving people more say in important government decisions, (iii) fighting rising prices, and (iv) protecting freedom of speech. The WVS asks which one is the most important and which is the next most important. The results cited in this report are the percentages of people who selected them as the most important.

 

[13] Figure 1 shows the percentage of postmaterialists in each survey year. The postmaterialist index consists of materialist, mixed, postmaterialist and missing/unknown (four categories). In 2019, although the overall percentage of postmaterialists increased as suggested by the blue line, the percentage of materialists also increased. This means that the share of people classified as “mixed” decreased.

 

[14] The increase in the percentage of people who answered “don’t know or no answer” is also shown in Figure 2.

 

[15] The exceptions are 1990 (slightly above the range) and 1995 (well below the range). The same pattern is observed for other age groups as well as for the overall percentage. Therefore, the time effect may have played a role.

 

[16] This question is asked to those who responded “not at all interested”, “not very interested” and “neither interested nor uninterested” in politics. The percentage who chose these three answers is 56 percent. The survey has been conducted twice in 2022 and 2023. The 2023 survey included 440 respondents aged 18 to 39 from Japan.

 

[17] The options for the source of information are newspaper, TV news, radio news, mobile phone, email, Internet, social media (Facebook, Twitter, etc.) and talking with friends or colleagues. The option of social media was added only in the 2019 survey. The frequency options include “daily”, “weekly”, “monthly”, “less than monthly”, “never” and “no answer”. Table 3 indicates the percentage of people who use the media daily, weekly, monthly and less than monthly.

 

[18] The 12 organizations are (1) church or religious organization, (2) sport or recreational organization, football/baseball/rugby team, (3) art, music or educational organization, (4) labor union, (5) political party, (6) environmental organization, (7) professional association, (8) humanitarian or charitable organization, (9) consumer organization, (10) self-help group, mutual aid group, (11) women’s group and (12) other organization.

 

[19] It is reported that the number of NGOs has increased in responding to refugees from Indochina in the early 80s and the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake in 1995 (Tate and Hasegawa 2023).

 

[20] The WVS included the questions from 2010 (wave 6), i.e. two surveys in Japan and the two results do not demonstrate a big difference.

 

[21] Inoguchi (2002) notes that there may be a cultural factor in this result (202: 383).

 

[22] The wave 7 survey is conducted in the USA in 2017.

 

[23] There has been a decline in the proportion of 18-24 years old who have confidence in the press and television. This may be related to the decline in the number of people using these media in this the age group.

 

[24] The question asks whose responsibility it is, either the government or their own, to provide what people need, and people answer on a scale (1 as “People should take more responsibility” and 10 as “The government should take more responsibility”). The average level was 6.78 in 1989 and increased slightly to 7.05 in 2019 (the average is 7 of six surveys).

 

[25] The percentage of overall respondents who use Internet and social media for the search of political information is less than those aged 18-24 (13.6 percent in 2019). The questions concerning online political action is included only in the wave 7 (2019 in Japan).

 

[26] Change.org Japan started online petition in Japan in 2012.

 

[27] This is in response to the questions “What is needed to improve youth political engagement? Please choose up to three options from the following list: (1) information through TV and SNS, (2) learning about politics and elections in school, (3) create an opportunity in school to discuss and build consensus on issues they care about, (4) online elections, (5) increased the number of politicians in the same generation, (6) lowering the age of the eligibility for elections”.

 

 

 

How Are Young People Represented in Korea?

 

Woo Chang Kang

Professor, Korea University

 

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1. Introduction

 

The terms “N-po Generation”[1], “Satori Sedai,” “Strawberry Generation,” and “Boomerang Generation,” while originated from different countries, share a common thread in reflecting the economic hardships faced by young generations, particularly in the post-2008 global financial crisis era. In Japan, “Satori Sedai” emerged in the aftermath of the prolonged recession of the 1990s, describing youth who seek minimal satisfaction. Taiwan’s “Strawberry Generation” refers to those born during periods of economic prosperity but facing employment challenges. The “Boomerang Generation” in Western countries describes young adults returning to their parents’ homes due to financial constraints. In South Korea, the “N-po Generation” exemplifies this trend. The prefix “po-” is derived from the Korean word “포기” (pogi), which means “giving up.” Initially coined as “3-po (sampo) Generation” - referring to those giving up dating, marriage, and childbirth - it evolved to “5-po”, “9-po”, and finally “N-po” as economic pressures mounted. Terms like “880,000 won generation”[2] and “Hell Joseon”[3] further illustrate young people’s sense of despair amid economic instability. These circumstances have sparked increased interest in youth politics, though political representation remains limited.

 

The terms “N-po Generation” and “Hell Joseon” reflect more than just economic hardship among Korean youth; they represent a fundamental shift in how young people understand their social and economic challenges. While previous generations held strong beliefs that individual hard work could lead to climbing the social ladder, today’s young people increasingly recognize their struggles as manifestations of deeper structural problems within Korean society. The systеmic nature of these challenges suggests that effective solutions must encompass political and policy changes, as individual efforts alone are insufficient to address issues originating from social structures, economic systеms, and policy frameworks. In this sense, this report examines youth political engagement in Korea through two key dimensions: voting patterns across different age groups and the representation of young people among political candidates and elected officials.

 

2. Youth Voter Turnout

 

In representative democracy, voting serves as a primary means of expressing political will (Dalton 2004). Voting enables citizens to exercise influence over policy decisions, while governments gain legitimacy through electoral victories (Riker and Ordeshook 1968). Voting participation both reflects and cultivates democratic values and political efficacy, making turnout rates a key indicator of democratic health (Oser et al. 2022). Figure 1 examines age-based variations in voter turnout in Korean elections from 1996 to 2022, including both the National Assembly Election and the Local Election. Note that the minimum voting age in Korea has gradually lowered from 20 to 19 in 2005, and to 18 in 2020.[4]

 

Turnout in the National Assembly Election reveals three distinct phases in youth participation. The first phase (1996-2008) was marked by a decline in turnout across all age groups, particularly among voters in their 20s. The 1996 election showed significant age-based disparities: while voters in their 20s showed 44% turnout, those in their 30s reached 63%, and older age groups demonstrated even higher participation with 60+ at 74% and 50s at 81%. The decline in youth voter turnout has continued, reaching its lowest point in 2008 at 29%. The second phase (2008-2016) witnessed a gradual recovery in participation rates. Youth turnout increased steadily: 42% in 2012, 53% in 2016, and 59% in 2020. The third phase, particularly evident in the 2020 election, demonstrated a remarkable convergence of turnout rates across age groups. First-time voters aged 18-19 showed especially high participation at approximately 68%, contributing to the smallest age-based turnout gaps. However, local election patterns reveal a different narrative. The overall turnout has remained relatively stable between 50-60%, but age-based participation gaps persist. While the 2018 election saw peak youth participation with voters in their 20s reaching 52%, the 2022 election showed decreased turnout across all age groups except those over 60. This decline was particularly pronounced among voters under 40, maintaining a 20-30 percentage point gap between youngest and oldest voters.

 

Figure 1. Changes in Turnout by Age Groups

 

 

These patterns in voter turnout offer significant insights about youth political participation in Korea. The fluctuating youth turnout rates, particularly sensitive to electoral competitiveness, suggest that young voters are more strategic in their political participation rather than habitual voters. This is evident in both the 2008 National Assembly Election and the 2022 Local Election, where youth turnout dropped significantly when election outcomes seemed predictable. The contrast between the National Assembly Election and the Local Election patterns further indicates that young people perceive varying degrees of efficacy between central and local politics. A particularly noteworthy aspect is the high turnout (approximately 68%) among first-time voters aged 18-19 in recent elections, suggesting that new voters can be effectively mobilized through targeted engagement efforts. Moreover, the overall increase in youth turnout since 2008 coincides with the emergence of terms like “Hell Joseon” and “N-po Generation,” indicating that young people’s growing recognition of systеmatic challenges may be leading to increased political participation. Then, how does Korea’s political systеm reflect this increasing input from young voters in both electoral and policy-making processes? The following section examines this question by analyzing the presence of young candidates and elected officials in both National Assembly and local elections, providing insight into the state of youth representation in Korean politics.

 

3. Low Descriptive Representation of Youth

 

Political representation can be understood through two key dimensions: descriptive representation, which pertains to the extent to which representatives reflect the demographic composition of their constituents, and substantive representation, which concerns the degree to which constituents’ interests are effectively reflected in policy decisions (Pitkin 1969). Descriptive representation particularly influences voters’ sense of political efficacy, which in turn impacts substantive representation. Voters often believe representatives with similar backgrounds will better understand and advocate for their experiences and needs (Arnesen and Peters 2018; Hayes and Hibbing 2017; Lowande, Ritchie, and Lauterbach 2019).

 

Table 1. Changes in Youth Candidates and Elected Representatives in the National Assembly Election