U.S. Policy in Asia: Meeting Opportunities and Challenges
Thank you, Strobe, for that introduction and for inviting me here today. I'm delighted to be with you to discuss how U.S. policy is evolving to meet the opportunities and challenges posed by Asia's extraordinary rise.
To start with, as you all know, the United States has been a Pacific power for much of its history. Indeed, nearly two decades before Lewis and Clark even reached our country's Pacific Coast, an American merchant ship first docked in
the port of Guangzhou. In 1833--175 years ago--we signed our first treaty of friendship with an Asian power, Thailand. And not too long after that, I arrived in Hong Kong for my first overseas assignment in the Foreign Service.
You shouldn't laugh so much, Stape Roy, because you were there too as a consular officer...
Asia's rise, and especially China's, has also caused many to worry that U.S. influence in Asia would decline. These fears, I believe, are overblown. They ignore America's commitment to the Asia-acific region. They also underestimate our ability to pursue our relations with every major Asian power, including China, in positive-sum terms. Polling shows that America's standing in Asia remains strong. According to a recent survey by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, pluralities or majorities in every one of East Asia's biggest powers--China, Indonesia, Japan, and South Korea--believe U.S. influence has increased over the past decade, and strong majorities throughout Asia regard U.S. influence as positive. Strong majorities also believe that our military presence enhances stability. Our "soft power" remains robust as well, with the United States ranking at or near the top of every category--economics, culture, human capital, diplomacy, and politics--the pollsters measured. These attitudes reflect, among other things, our close people-to-people ties. In the 2006-2007 academic year, for example, we hosted over 344,000 students from Asia at U.S. institutions of higher education. Indeed, the top five countries sending students to the U.S. all are in Asia.
On the other hand, the Chicago Council survey results revealed apprehension about the future of Asia's leadership. Large majorities in Japan and South Korea expressed discomfort with the prospect that China could become Asia's dominant power. These polls by no means paint the complete picture of attitudes towards China in Asia. For instance, majorities in every country view China's regional influence positively. The polls do reinforce the need for China to be open and transparent, particularly about its grand strategy and military buildup. They also suggest that the U.S. will continue to be a balancing factor in Asia for the foreseeable future.
John D. Negroponte, Deputy Secretary of State