[Editor’s note]

During the early stages of the pandemic, The Philippines government had successfully managed the spread of COVID-19. However, the government’s use of strong lockdown measures has plunged the country into a deep economic recession, highlighting the adverse effects of a trade-off between a country’s health and economy. The populist's rule in the Philippines has led to democratic erosion, weakening the institutional ecosystem designed to combat corruption in the country. Francisco A. Magno of the Jesse M. Robredo Institute of Governance analyzes how the democratic recession has negatively affected public accountability in the Philippines. Using the example of the outbreak of corruption scandals that accompanied the pandemic crisis, the author insists that populism triggered authoritarian tendencies in the country, which then diminished the role of democratic institutions and systems of checks and balances. Francisco A. Magno claims that the revival of democratic institutions is crucial for the Philippines to fight corruption judiciously and systematically.

 


※The following is an excerpt from the article. For the full text, please check the attached file at the top of this page.

 

Introduction

Previous studies indicate that established democracies show lower levels of corruption than authoritarian regimes or young democracies.[1] In this regard, it is interesting to consider how authoritarian tendencies have diminished the role of democratic institutions and systems of checks and balances that control corruption. The outbreak of corruption scandals that accompanied the Corona Virus Disease (COVID)-19 health crisis in 2020 exemplifies how democratic recession has negatively affected the state of public accountability in the Philippines.

This study probes into whether the COVID-19 pandemic further promoted democratic recession and corruption risks in the Philippines. It examines the patterns of irregularities emerging from the implementation of public programs aimed at responding to the crisis. Poorly designed institutional arrangements and weak democratic controls foster opportunities for the commission of illicit transactions in the delivery of public goods and services. Finally, it considers the importance of reviving democratic institutions as a key effort in fighting corruption on a long-term basis.

The eruption of the COVID-19 pandemic brought to the fore severe corruption vulnerabilities in many countries. However, even before the pandemic, it is estimated that an average of 10-25 percent of a public contract’s value may be lost to corruption.[2] Globally, over USD 7.8 trillion are allocated annually for public health.[3] With more public funds being made available to fight the pandemic, better safeguards are needed to prevent corruption.

The COVID-19 crisis hastened corruption. The potential for corruption in pandemic times is greater, especially when pressures for swift government action may lead to shortcuts that damage the integrity of institutional processes. The main risk areas include the withholding of accurate health data, irregularities in public procurement, the purchase of sub-standard equipment, and misappropriation of health budgets.[4]

The COVID-19 pandemic is acknowledged to have begun on November 17, 2019, with the first recorded case of the disease in the city of Wuhan in Hubei Province, China. In the succeeding weeks, cases of people infected with the virus piled up. However, the government kept a tight lid on health data and even reprimanded the local doctors who warned of the new disease. The Chinese government informed the World Health Organization (WHO) of the existence of the virus only on December 31, 2019. Such lack of transparency prevented health authorities globally to take preventive action and contain the transmission of the COVID-19 virus across cities, nations, and borders.[5]

 

 


 

[1] Ina Kubbe and Annika Engelbert, "Corruption and the impact of democracy." Crime, Law and Social Change 70, 2 (2018) 175-178.

[2] UNODC, Guidebook on Anti-Corruption in Public Procurement and the Management of Public Finances. New York: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (2013),
https://www.unodc.org/documents/corruption/Publications/2013/Guidebook_on_anti-corruption_in_public_procurement_and_the_management_of_public_finances.pdf (Accessed on October 18, 2013).

[3] WHO, Global spending on health: A world in transition, WHO/HIS/HGF/HF Working Paper, No. 19.4, Geneva: World Health Organization (2019);
https://www.who.int/health_financing/documents/health-expenditure-report-2019.pdf?ua=1 (Accessed on February 6, 2020).

[4] Sarah Steingrüber, Presentation at the “25 years of fighting with the nation the perennial pandemic of corruption” Virtual Town Hall Discussion, Transparency International-Philippines and Stratbase ADR Institute, August 28 2020.

[5] Sarah Steingrüber, Monica Kirya, David Jackson, and Saul Mullard, Corruption in the time of COVID-19: A double-threat for low-income Countries, U4 Anti-Corruption Resource Centre, 2020.

 


 

 Francisco A. Magno teaches Political Science and Development Studies at De La Salle University (DLSU). He is the Founding Director of the DLSU Jesse M. Robredo Institute of Governance. He served as the President of the Philippine Political Science Association from 2015 to 2017. He finished his PhD in Political Science at the University of Hawaii.

 


 

  • Typeset by Junghye Suh, Research Associate
      For inquiries: 02 2277 1683 (ext. 207) I jhush@eai.or.kr
     

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